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Simpozij OBDOBJA 43 also (SR-M) f. nom. sg. vilïka ‘big’; and 4) NV-M (S) loc. sg. orïzi, ta-mi ośdë, m. loc. sg. isamo, and rivet, but also (SR-M) Eko-gurïca, tu-w göśde, m. loc. sg. isimo, and rivät ‘square’, ‘in the wood’, ‘this’, ‘to end’. In addition, there are hybrid forms (i.e., neither NV-M nor SR-M), such as m. pl. l-ptcp. prahajali ‘came’ and hodïli ‘went’, as well as dolg ‘long’, and puklïzet ‘to call’. Some further types of deviation contradict the statement that the spelling reform was restricted to the simple substitution of two graphemes. The use of <ä> for unstressed vowels to bring out phonetic detail has been systematically applied to the local varieties of San Giorgio, Lipovaz, and Prato; compare the following enumeration: (10) . . . ka to so Bilä, Ravanzä, Njïwa, Osoanë, Solbiza ano Učja. So pa druge male vasïze ka to so Lïpaväz, Krïžaze, Göst, Lišćaze, Śamlïn, Tapod Klanzon anu Ladïna. ‘. . . such as San Giorgio, Prato, Gniva, Oseacco, Stolvizza, and Uccea. There are also other small villages such as Lipovaz, Crisacis, Gost, Lischiazze, Samlin, Tapoclanzon, and Ladina.’ The grapheme <ï> now also appears in unstressed position, again for phonetic reasons: naredït, se branït, ta-w munizïpïho, and rośajanskï, but also naredit, branit, tu-w Munizïpihö, and rośajanski/Rośajanskë ‘to do’, ‘to protect’, ‘in the town hall’, ‘Resian’. As a result of interference from earlier spelling habits, the grapheme
is also used in a consonantal function, alongside
: ulëst, usak, uśdïgnan, and m. sg. l-ptcp. umuarl but also (SR-M) wlëst, wsaki, wśdïgnut, and m. pl. l-ptcp. wmärli ‘to enter’, ‘every’, ‘to lift’, ‘died’. For 昀椀nal short *-ì, the grapheme <ë> may occur, which in Steenwijk’s (1994: 43) vowel correspondence 12 appears neither in SR nor in any NV: aśëk ‘language’, Ćanën ‘Canin’, śa bët ‘to be’, śa tët orë ‘to go up’, and dujtët, ‘to arrive’. Moreover <ġ>, a grapheme replacing SR <ǵ>, alongside the prepalatal voiced plosive [ɟ] also represents the velar voiced plosive [g] occurring in recent loans: m. acc. pl. friġe ‘fridge’ and tu-w Spilimberġi ‘in Spilimbergo’, but also (SR-M) [ɟ] ġornal ‘newspaper’, oġan ‘opened’, and f. acc. pl. paġine ‘pages’. The explanation for the variation attested is that more than one creator, each from a di昀昀erent village, was involved in the text for the 2010 booklet and that a 昀椀nal edit was not carried out. The hybrid forms arose out of an incomplete understanding of SR. By and large, the Resian contributions in Il Giornale di Resia up to 2019 show a similar type of written language, including further hybrid forms such as acc. pl. utruke ‘children’, although
in a consonantal function and <ï> for unstressed vowels become rare. When that project started, it was clearly understood that the texts should be written in SR-M, just as the 2010 booklet and the notices on the website were intended to be (for an analysis of the latter, see Steenwijk 2018). In independent publications of oral literature in NV-M, one can expect less variation because the native variety of the narrator serves as a point of departure. The 2014 publication Nawüčimö se po näs! is quite a di昀昀erent matter. In fact, it is the only publication that adheres to the 2009 spelling reform without the additional 323