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Simpozij OBDOBJA 43 3 Problems in writing according to the standard Because SR di昀昀ers from any local variety, it is only inevitable that interference may show up in texts written according to the standard; for example: (1) Kors ćë počnet satemberja litos an ćë se rivet dan drügi bot maja. (NM 28/34, 2001: 3) ‘The course will start in September this year and will end in May next year.’ SR forms such as m. acc. sg. drügi ‘next’ and gen. sg. maja ‘May’, occur alongside the NV (S) forms litos ‘this year’ and rivet ‘to end’. As pro昀椀ciency in SR grows, such mixing of varieties becomes less frequent and may disappear altogether. Another source of spelling errors is the phonetic realization of unstressed vowels. Although the grapheme <ä> occurs in SR forms only when stressed, sometimes it is also used in unstressed syllables; for example, pomagät ‘to help’, plesät ‘to dance’ (NM 29/27, 2002: 3), 3rd pl. pres. däržïjo ‘they hold’ (NM 32/24, 2005: 9), and loc. sg. märzlïnu ‘cold’ (GR 30/3, 2019: 2). Language change aggravates this problem. Starting with the generation born after the Second World War, 昀椀nal unstressed -i and -ë tend to merge in San Giorgio, Lipovaz, and Stolvizza, triggering variation in texts written in SR; for example: (2) te rozajanski Ekomuzeo jë naredil dän mali lïbrinčëć (GR 30/2, 2019: 8) ‘The Resian Ecomuseum has produced a little booklet’ (3) jë ga naredil te rozajanskë Ekomuzeo (GR 30/2, 2019: 4) ‘the Resian Ecomuseum produced it’ Another pair of mergers creating spelling problems concerns the high and mid central vowels, /ï/ versus /ü/ becoming a single high central vowel, and /ë/ versus /ö/ a single mid central vowel. The 昀椀rst postwar generation maintains the two oppositions rather well, but younger speakers do not make these distinctions anymore, and so one encounters spelling variation such as n. sg. l-ptcp. spomanïlo (NG 15/1, 2019: 12) / f. sg. l-ptcp. spomanüla (NG 15/1, 2019: 9) ‘remembered’, and acc. pl. butëge / dat. pl. butögan ‘shops’ (GR 30/3, 2019: 2) A third phonetic change, possibly under the in昀氀uence of Italian, is voicing of voiceless sibilants followed by a sonorant, likewise triggering spelling variation; for example, m. sg. l-ptcp. se wgaznul / se wgasnul (NM 33/8, 2006: 6) ‘spent’, pozvitë ‘abroad’, and n. gen. sg. riznaga ‘true’ (GR 30/2, 2019: 8) As long as the project is not completed, uncertainty may arise in non-standardized parts of the grammar. For instance, at present the only source for information on case government by prepositions is the 1992 dialect grammar for San Giorgio. It states that selecting the accusative is independent from semantic considerations of motion versus state, and that the same case can also occur with ziz/z with an instrumental and comitative meaning. The postwar generation continues to innovate heavily in these matters, leading to the impression that in prepositional phrases the case system is falling apart (Šekli 1999: 134). This development may be re昀氀ected in writing; for example: (4) an jë wlizal tu-w isimu proǵëto (GR 30/2, 2019: 8) ‘he entered the project’ 319